Slavic view, candlelit discussion. 2014-05-26 Zakhar Prilepin 'Right Sector' as the Ukrainian oprichnina

May 26, 2014 · Adam Bondaruk, Baptists, Victor Belykh, AUCECB, Persecution, Interview, KGB, Books, Unregistered Pentecostals, Nikolay Kotyakov, On Emigration, United Church of Evangelical Christians, Vestibule, Petr Saenko, Pentecostals, Religious Mafia, Slavik Radchuk, Contemporary Persecution, Security Services

Commenting on the Ukrainian election results, Russia’s progressive public is, in a sense, even rejoicing: oh, look how few votes “Right Sector” got — that means Ukraine had a good revolution, not a bad one like the one they show on TV here in Russia, and the “Banderites” don’t play any role there at all! Indeed, the “united” Yarosh and Tyahnybok got something around two percent, while, as Russia’s progressive commentators point out, a candidate named Rabinovich — just one! — got more. The conclusion, naturally, is the simplest possible: Putin’s lying propaganda has deceived us terribly, terribly.

But, my friends, the conclusion should be drawn quite differently. We’ll explain what it is right now.

So, about “Right Sector.”

Here, a simple example can be given, quite clear to the progressive public: the oprichnina.

Let’s imagine for a moment that under Ivan the Terrible, some election suddenly was held, and, say, Malyuta Skuratov ran. How many votes would he get? Oh, very few. Fewer than Yarosh.

What would that mean? That there was no oprichnina? Or that Ivan the Terrible didn’t need it? No, that would mean nothing of the sort.

The oprichnina remains the oprichnina, whatever its popularity rating.

Right Sector became the striking force of the Maidan. And in that capacity, it suited everyone. Its fighters essentially gave Ukraine the revolution.

Today, Right Sector is resolving the problem of Ukraine’s integrity in the Southeast. And again, in that capacity, it suits everyone.

Even after the monstrous tragedy in Odessa and the execution of ten Ukrainian conscripts who refused to fight against the “separatists” (according to Colonel Strelkov’s report, the conscripts were after all killed by pro-Russian militiamen — APN-NW) — no serious talk arises about the need to disarm all of these essentially illegal formations and put their participants on trial.

The admirers of Bandera, Right Sector, the Kolomoisky brigades — all this oprichnina, mixed with Makhnovism, is needed by Poroshenko, by the Ukrainian authorities as a whole, by the Ukrainian intelligentsia, and even by its Russian counterpart.

But Ukrainian voters — unlike Russia’s progressive public — have been and continue to be strongly influenced by the toppling of monuments, the Odessa tragedy, countless cases of lawlessness across the country, and especially the shooting of conscripts. All this substantially reduces the nationalists’ rating.

Don’t forget, moreover, that it’s not only Maidan supporters who vote — there are whole regions that had nothing to do with the Maidan, and to this day feel the most complex emotions about the coup d’état that took place.

Besides, part of Ukraine is still heading for Europe, and secretly or openly suspects that with a sculpture of Bandera on the cart, you can’t ride in there; so they prefer to bury Bandera in the manure, at least for a while.

Finally, let’s also consider the fact that Ukraine knows how to falsify elections, too. The Ukrainian authorities have long received unambiguous signals from Europe and the US — if you want us to deal with you, get rid of your most active troublemakers and other shaven-headed types.

Removing them from the election would have looked bad — but demonstrating the real weight of Yarosh and Tyahnybok in this way: that’s another matter.

Though even the most progressive figures secretly cannot be fully convinced that the weight and significance of these two characters in Ukraine is less than the weight and significance of comrade Rabinovich.

In any case, whether there were falsifications or not, we have already set out the essence above: Right Sector’s significance was more than weighty, and it remains so. That the average Ukrainian retains common sense in this case does him credit, and if it allows us to speak of anything, it is of how massive the support for the Maidan itself actually was: whether more than forty million people really shared the enthusiasm of the forty thousand activists who flocked to Kyiv, periodically singing the UNA-UNSO anthem in chorus.

As for Russia’s progressive public, which accuses (and partly with reason) the crushing machine of state propaganda, one cannot help but recall how that same (literally, the same people, by name) progressive public described the parliamentary uprising in 1993.

Should we remind them?

Well, this is exactly how they described it: as a gang of fascists who would come and hang everyone.

Whom exactly did they have in mind? Professor Khasbulatov. Essentially, the system-friendly Rutskoy. And tens of thousands of ordinary, honest Russians who had nothing whatsoever to do with “fascists” — although they were supported by a certain, very small, number of fighters from Makashov and Barkashov.

And what? Was their “good” propaganda machine much different from the current “bad” one? It was no different at all. It worked exactly the same way, without any embarrassment.

From all that happened back then, the progressive public drew no conclusions: in their own opinion, they ultimately turned out to be unconditionally right, because they were saving democracy. And democracy can be saved by any means, even from a cannon.

But that is water under the bridge.

One cannot help but be moved by how today those same people, with the same expressions on their faces, have rapidly forgotten, talked away, and retouched the burning of people in Odessa, the shellings and the unfolding terror in Donetsk, Luhansk, and Sloviansk, finding explanations and justifications for everything: look at the election results! The wonderful Poroshenko has won.

Oh, yes.

As for Poroshenko and his differences from Yanukovych, we won’t even speak seriously.

We can only hope that the next Maidan happens not in a year, but at least in, say, five years’ time.

But instead of the trident, a rake would be more fitting as the official symbol for these exemplary and demonstrative elections.

Commentary by “APN North-West”: This is all true. One must understand that these presidential elections essentially change nothing.

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