Anatoly Glazunov. Stalin Banned Pederasty in His USSR Empire
In May 1934, Stalin’s secretariat received a letter from an English communist, Harry White, who was then working for the newspaper Moscow News. The 27‑year‑old communist was deeply concerned about the resolution of the USSR Central Executive Committee and the law establishing criminal liability for pederasty. He wrote for two reasons.
First, that “nasty resolution” hardly squared with the principles of Marxism‑Leninism.
Second, the English communist Harry White was himself a faggot, and naturally feared for his own fate. This English pederast, of course, did not provide any cogent argument. He wrote:
“…Criminal liability for pederasty contradicts both factual reality and the principles of Marxism‑Leninism… An expression of this contradiction is also the figure of André Gide, a French homosexual writer, one of the leaders of the anti‑fascist movement, a fervent friend of the USSR. Gide’s homosexuality is widely known among the broad masses in France, for he has written about it openly in his books. And, despite this, his authority as a fellow‑traveller of the French Communist Party among the masses is unshakeable. The fact that Gide has joined the revolutionary movement does not hinder the growth of that movement nor the consolidation of the Communist Party’s leadership of the masses.” Further, with utter naïveté, Harry White tries to persuade Stalin by arguing that “fascism (White means German fascism), which goes in for glorifying the ‘pure race’ and family virtues, treats homosexuality even more harshly than did the pre‑Hitler government.” When rumours first began that an anti‑pederasty decree was being prepared, Harry White started to consult officials of the People’s Commissariat of Justice, psychiatrists, and his boss, Comrade Borodin, the editor‑in‑chief of Moscow News. Everyone calmed him down: “Don’t get edgy, you personally have nothing to fear.” Editor Borodin even promoted him.
“Following the arrest of a person with whom I had homosexual relations,” White wrote, “I turned to the OGPU and was told that there was nothing incriminating against me.” But it is not only about me personally, wrote Harry White. The matter, in his opinion, “was of great importance for a whole number of communists both in the USSR and in other countries of the world.” And Harry White asks Stalin this question: “Can a homosexual be considered a person worthy of being a member of the Communist Party?”
But could pederasts, even communist ones, frighten Stalin with hints that they compared him with Hitler? In those years Stalin and Hitler were already learning from each other the art of fighting political opponents, Jews and pederasts; they were learning from each other the means for the biological, mental and moral healing of their peoples. Although, of course, they were not very successful.
An answer from Stalin, naturally, the English communist and pederast Harry White did not receive. Stalin had no wish to soil himself by corresponding with a pederast. On the letter Stalin wrote the following directive: “To the archive. An idiot and a degenerate. J. Stalin.” (Journal Istochnik, No. 5‑6, 1993, pp. 185‑191. Journal Chudesa i prikliucheniia, No. 8, 2002).
André Gide himself, the most influential and respected pederast among communist pederasts, also arrived in the USSR, hoping that after a meeting in the Kremlin he could influence Stalin. But Stalin, naturally, disdained to meet with Gide and discuss this subject.
It was, of course, difficult for Stalin to subdue the Jews. They abounded both in the Soviet government and in the Comintern. Yet he was still able to neutralise the most important and harmful ones, and to crush many of them. It was easier with the pederasts. Now in the USSR the most suitable place for them had been found – concentration camps. Soviet pederasts were sent to lumber‑cutting, to the building of roads and canals, to mines and pits.
In 1936, the Commissar of Justice and Prosecutor of the RSFSR, Nikolai Krylenko, justified the necessity of criminal punishment for pederasty in his report (Sovetskaia iustitsiia, No. 7, 1936) as follows:
“Let the doctor decide in each particular case who stands before the court – a sick man or not, but if we have before the court a person in whose case we have absolutely no reason to suppose that he is ill, and yet he goes in for such things, we say:
‘In our midst, my good sir, there is no place for you. In our midst, the midst of working people who take the stand of normal relations between the sexes, who build their society on healthy principles, we have no need of fine gentlemen of this sort.’
Who, then, is chiefly the clientele in such cases? Working people? No! Declassed riff‑raff.
(Lively stir in the hall, laughter)
Declassed riff‑raff, either from the dregs of society or from the remnants of the exploiting classes.
(Applause)
They already have nowhere to go.
(Laughter)
So they occupy themselves with pederasty.
(Laughter)
Along with them, and using this pretext, in secret filthy little dens and haunts another kind of work often goes on as well – counter‑revolutionary work. That is why we bring these disrupters of the new relations that we wish to create among people, among men and women, among working people – these fine gentlemen – before the court and set for them a penalty of up to five years of deprivation of liberty…”
People’s Commissar of Justice Nikolai Krylenko, of course, did not speak about all categories of pederasts in his report. He said not a word about pederasts in the party leadership, in the top echelons of state institutions, among Soviet writers, poets, artists and performers. He did not mention that after the civil war pederasts were a very powerful force, which is why for all those 10 years it had been impossible to pass a law banning pederasty. He also did not mention that pederasty was more widespread precisely among persons of Yid nationality. (Grigory Klimov wrote about this, for example, providing a long list of foreign scholarly literature on the subject.)
The “Great Purge” of the country of the Yid “Leninist guard” coincided precisely in time with the cleansing of the country of pederasts. And this is further proof that the Leninist guard was packed with pederasts, and therefore the leadership of this party granted pederasts great freedom of pederastic sex. Being a pederast and being a party or Komsomol member was considered normal. But because the majority of the Russian people and other peoples were opposed to pederasty, communists and Komsomol members, writers, artists, and performers engaged in pederasty on the sly, without advertising it. For example, the People’s Commissar of Foreign Affairs Georgy Chicherin was a pederast, and some employees of his commissariat were also pederasts. Stalin’s political opponents at that time were often — both Yids and pederasts “in one bottle.” And in the language of their time, the language of the theory and propaganda of the day, Krylenko naturally called their anti-Stalin work “counter-revolutionary.” Pederasty then came to be regarded almost as a political crime. Cases of this kind were then investigated by the state security organs (Valery Chalidze, Criminal Russia, Moscow, 1990, p. 228).
But what must be noted: Stalin carried out the crackdown on influential Yids in the party and state leadership and the crackdown on pederasts through the OGPU, whose de facto head (given Menzhinsky’s illness) was the Yid Genrikh Yagoda (Yagoda Enon Gershonovich). And the whole leadership of the OGPU was heavily packed with Yids. Stalin managed to divide the Yids and used the “crushed” Yids against the more independent and therefore dangerous Yids.
Of course, not all the identified pederasts were sent to labor camps. That would have been stupid. The necessary pederasts were left to be used in state security work. The “needed” pederasts left at liberty were made into sexots (secret informants). They collected information for the organs about the mood in universities, in state institutions, about the private lives of well-known performers, writers, artists. The organs also foisted pederasts onto foreigners, photographed oral, anal, or manual acts of copulation, and then, through blackmail, turned visiting foreigners, embassy and consulate employees into spies.
Stalin’s Article 121 on pederasty remained in the Criminal Code of the RSFSR for 57 years. Unfortunately, under the dictatorship of the CPSU, materials on this subject were not published. It was TABOO. The organs imprisoned pederasts and turned them into sexots and spies on the sly. The vile sides of Soviet communism were carefully hidden by the authorities. No sensible and complete statistics on pederasty over those 57 years have been published to this day. There is still no exact figure for the number of pederasts convicted during this period. First, data for 1966 were published. In that year, those convicted for pederasty “accounted for 0.1% of all those convicted in 1966” (Valery Chalidze, Criminal Russia, Moscow, p. 229). Per thousand criminals — 1 pederast criminal. Per million criminals — 1,000 pederast criminals.
Since the 1990s, some progress in publications has been evident. The Yid “pederasty specialist” Kon wrote:
“In the 1930s–1980s, under it [the article against pederasty], about 1,000 male pederasts were annually convicted and sent to prisons and camps. In the late 1980s, their numbers began to decline. According to data from the Ministry of Justice of the RF, in 1989, 538 were sentenced under Article 121 in Russia; in 1990 — 497; in 1991 — 462; in the first half of 1992 — 227 pederasts.” (Rights of Homosexuals, 1993).
According to the calculations of Canadian historian Dan Healey, the total number of “victims of this article” was 250,000. Over the fifty-seven years of the article’s existence, the number of convictions under it amounted to 60,000 (How Many People, 2002). But these data are, of course, approximate. There is not a single competent monograph on this subject. “The commonality of inclinations and the need to hide these inclinations from those around them conditions the creation of secret unofficial communities of male homosexuals with their own internal ethics, with their own conventional language,” wrote Valery Chalidze in his book Criminal Russia (Moscow, 1990, p. 229). “These features of pederast culture are not expressed as vividly as, say, in the criminal underworld, and have practically not been studied (at least there are no publications about this).”
That is so, but Chalidze greatly exaggerates when he writes that many pederasts’ inclinations “developed during their time in places of incarceration as a result of violent acts by fellow inmates.” Only a smaller part of Soviet pederasts began their pederastic life by becoming the object of rape in prison or camp.
Pederasts have the ability to reproduce through propaganda, money, the provision of various services, blackmail, and so forth. Herein lies their harm.
The world of pederasts from 1934 to 1991 has been almost unstudied. It is a blank spot in the history of Soviet society. There are almost no publications, even about pederasts in prisons and camps. Besides the fact that passive pederasts were despised in our prisons and camps, efforts were made to separate them. They slept either under the plank beds, or, if possible, in a separate barrack. They had their own spoons, mugs and bowls, usually with a hole. Passive pederasts were called mankas, red kerchiefs, pedrils, little hens, but most often they were, and are, called — roosters (Akhmetova T. I., Russian Mat, Moscow, 1996, p. 132).
Grigory Klimov wrote in the book The Red Cabal (Krasnodar, 1996):
“Here is curious information: in 1943, after Mikhail Ivanovich Kalinin again introduced pederasty into the Criminal Code, people in concentration camps serving time for pederasty formed a sort of special category, and it was jokingly said about them in camp slang that they had been imprisoned under Article 58-Ж. The entire humor consisted in the fact that Article 58 is a political article, ‘enemies of the people,’ and ‘Ж’ meant zhópniki [arse-fuckers]… This is written by pensioner E. Fyodorova of the Third Emigration, who herself did time there in those concentration camps…” (p. 240).
“In my time, 1936–1940, when I was still studying, the variety singer Vadim Kozin was very popular. First he performed under the pseudonym Vadim Kholodny (note, a cold person cannot love), and then along with Leonid Utyosov and Klavdiya Shulzhenko he stood at the forefront of the Soviet stage. So, he served time in a Soviet concentration camp, both times for pederasty, this famous singer who could have had any woman — and by blood he was a Gypsy (some write that he is a Jew). A Gypsy, a pederast, a singer, who did time in a concentration camp twice. This is written by the former director Donat Mechik in NRS, December 26, 1981.” (p. 241)
Kon wrote: “In a whole series of trials and ‘purges’ of the Soviet apparatus in 1934–1935, accusations of espionage and counter-revolutionary conspiracy were closely intertwined with accusations of homosexuality, and it is very difficult to distinguish the primary accusations from the secondary ones. For example, the case of the head of the protocol department of the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, D. T. Florinsky (summer 1934), allowed the GPU to ‘cleanse’ the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs both of hidden homosexuals and simply of undesirable diplomats appointed under G. V. Chicherin.”
Under Khrushchev and Brezhnev, in order to reduce the number of those convicted for anti-Soviet agitation in the eyes of “Western public opinion,” the state security organs imprisoned undesirable elements for pederasty.
Article 121 “worked” until 1991. But after the seizure of power by the Yids in 1991, the article was repealed and the pederasts went over to an open offensive. They quickly filled the organs of central and Moscow power.
In 1996, in the new Criminal Code of the RF, the article against pederasts was already absent. Punishment was now applied only for pederastic rape. On June 5, 1996, the Federation Council approved this law. And on June 12, 1996, President Boris the Drunkard signed this Criminal Code.
General Alexander Korzhakov wrote a great deal about the pederasts in the administration of President Boris the Drunkard in his book Boris Yeltsin: From Dawn to Dusk (Moscow, 1997). He knew well what he was writing about. He worked for a long time as the head of President Yeltsin’s administration. He also wrote about pederasts in the Moscow administration. General Korzhakov openly stated in 1998 that:
“in the thoroughly rotten capital’s administration, the weather is already being made by people with non-traditional sexual orientation… They have simply created their own party” (Top Secret, 1998, No. 6, p. 7).
Today, the All-Russian Party of Pederasts (one may assume, with a very large percentage of Yids) is a very powerful and influential structure. This is a disgrace for Russia, but it is a fact. And all attempts by individual deputies even to bring up for broad discussion in the Duma and among the public the question of the necessity of banning pederasty in Russia end in utter failure.
But let us hope that after the Russian people gain independence, pederasts will once again be sent to labor camps.
Let us note that on the blog of the community “Blue Wagons — to Labor Camps!” the self-willed moderators from mail.ru, who sympathize with pederasts, first padlocked the portrait of Stalin whom they dislike, and then banned the community altogether. Pederastic censorship in action!
Source: http://a-glazunov.livejournal.com/2894.html
Essays by Anatoly Glazunov (the Siege Survivor) http://ierenburg.narod.ru/glazunov.html
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