The Pentecostal Church in Ukraine in the 1970s–1980s

December 22, 2010 · Adam Bondaruk, Baptists, Victor Belykh, AUCECB, Persecution, Interview, KGB, Books, Unregistered Pentecostals, Nikolay Kotyakov, On Emigration, United Church of Evangelical Christians, Vestibule, Petr Saenko, Pentecostals, Religious Mafia, Slavik Radchuk, Contemporary Persecution, Security Services

The history of the Pentecostal movement in Ukraine has always drawn the attention of researchers. In their works they have identified the main circumstances and conditions of its emergence, the periods of its development, the geography of its spread, and the nature of the relationship between communities, believers, and the state authorities.

At the same time, as archival holdings and materials from state, party, and other organizations previously inaccessible to researchers are studied, the opportunity arises to clarify many facts from the life of the Pentecostal Church in Ukraine and to reveal anew the position of this Church during certain historical periods of the Soviet Union’s existence. Of particular interest to historians, philosophers, sociologists, and religious scholars is the activity of Pentecostals during the 1970s–80s, since this was, on the one hand, a time of systemic crisis of the socialist system in the USSR, and on the other, a period of intensified atheistic work by the party and state and substantial changes in the legislation on religious cults.

The Pentecostal Church, or the Christians of Evangelical Faith (in southeastern and central Ukraine—Christians of the Evangelical Faith), was defined by the USSR state authorities as an “anti-social reactionary movement,” and its activity was qualified as “fanatical and harmful.” Pentecostal church structures emerged as early as the Great Patriotic War but were subsequently eliminated by the authorities. Despite the resistance of believers and their demands for the legalization of an independent Pentecostal center, the congregations of the Christians of the Evangelical Faith (CEF) were merged into the Union of Evangelical Christians-Baptists (ECB). The August Agreement of 1945 cemented this process. Those Pentecostals who did not support the August Agreement continued the struggle for legalization of the church, but their activity was, from the party and government’s point of view, illegal.

At the end of the 1960s, state authorities somewhat eased the policy of pressure on Pentecostalism and even permitted the registration of congregations of the Christians of Evangelical Faith (KhVE and KhEV) as autonomous formations, independent of the All-Union Council of Evangelical Christians-Baptists (AUCECB). In the mid-1970s, this process notably intensified. However, all these measures were merely part of a state plan aimed at organizing control over unregistered groups of believers. It included, firstly, the collection of all sorts of data on the groups and their members. Secondly, carrying out large-scale individual work with the leaders of the movement, persuading them to register congregations with the authorities.

It should be noted that during the period under study, a number of state and party documents were adopted on questions of “intensifying atheistic work,” improving legislation on cults, and strengthening control over its observance. Among them: Resolution of the CPSU Central Committee and the USSR Council of Ministers of 23 February 1970 “On Measures to Strengthen the Fight against Persons Who Avoid Socially Useful Labor and Lead an Anti-Social Parasitic Way of Life”; Resolution of the CPSU Central Committee “On Intensifying Atheistic Education of the Population” of 16 July 1971; Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine “On Intensifying Atheistic Education of the Population” of 31 July 1971. The content of these documents and their thrust is well conveyed by the speech of V.A. Kuroyedov, chairman of the Council for Religious Affairs under the USSR Council of Ministers, on 25 April 1972 at the All-Union Conference of Council commissioners. In his report “On the Contemporary Religious Situation and the Tasks for Strengthening Control over the Implementation of Legislation on Religious Cults,” he noted that “one cannot ignore the fact that a process of differentiation is taking place within the banned sectarian formations, that many sectarian associations are renouncing fanatical rites, showing loyalty toward the state, and observing all the laws on cults… One of the main directions of work with sectarians is to detach rank-and-file believers from the ringleaders who carry out illegal, inflammatory activities, and to explain Soviet legislation to them.”¹

Thus, the Soviet government explained the strength of the religious underground (particularly Pentecostal formations) by the fact that certain authorities did not deeply analyze the state of religiosity of the population, weakly organized individual work among believers, and very slowly resolved locally the issues of registering illegal congregations whose members recognized the legislation on cults.

With the aim of further intensifying the struggle against unregistered religious associations, the republican authorities of the Ukrainian SSR proposed to “deepen” individual work with believers at the level of regional party committees and regional executive committees. The mass media of the Ukrainian SSR were to systematically publish materials exposing the “anti-people activity” of illegal religious groups. The State Committee for Cinematography of the Ukrainian SSR Council of Ministers was tasked with creating a series of documentary films about the anti-social activity of “unregistered sects on the territory of the republic.”²

The intensification of believers’ missionary work required more radical measures from the authorities to suppress their activity. The existence of the Pentecostals did not go unnoticed. Thus, the work plan of the Council for Religious Affairs commissioner for the Ukrainian SSR for 1972 included “study of the underground activity of the Pentecostals,” using the examples of the Dnipropetrovsk, Vinnytsia, and Rivne regions, and the development of measures to limit their influence on the population and to suppress illegal actions.

The process of legalizing Pentecostal congregations was significantly hindered by several reasons. First, local authorities were slow to inform believers about the repeal of the previously existing strict ban on the activity of Pentecostal congregations (only the Council’s commissioners received clarifications, while district and regional executive committees lacked instructions and everywhere hindered registration). Second, the registration of autonomous Pentecostal congregations demonstrated a sharp increase in their numbers, which was evidence of the strengthening of the “sectarian underground” and the worsening of the religious situation in a given region. Seeking to avoid this, local authorities did not hurry with the separate registration of KhVE and KhEV congregations. Pentecostals continued to be registered as ECB congregations.³

West Ukrainian Pentecostals posed a particular danger to the state. As of 1971, there were recorded: in Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast – 20 Pentecostal congregations (629 persons); correspondingly in Chernivtsi – 19 (838), Rivne – 14. The number of discovered Pentecostal congregations was growing. If in 1972 there were 36 such Pentecostal congregations in Volyn, then in 1973 – 44 (up to 2 thousand persons). In 1974, 12 Pentecostal congregations in Volyn were registered. Moreover, in Volyn there were many underground congregations of Jehovah’s Witnesses (about 80% of the total in Ukraine), Adventist Reformists, ECB (supporters of the Organizing Committee). As a consequence, the Council for Religious Affairs’ authorized representative for Volyn Oblast declared that “Volyn has the highest religious rite observance in the republic” 4.
The lack of positive results in dealing with the “sectarian underground” forced the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine to draw local authorities’ attention to this problem. In October 1973, a resolution “On Measures to Intensify the Fight against Unregistered Religious Sects” was adopted. On the instructions of V. Shcherbitsky, First Secretary of the CC CPU, the CC Propaganda and Agitation Department together with K. Lytvyn, the Council for Religious Affairs’ commissioner for the Ukrainian SSR, placed the issue of unregistered religious communities’ activity under special control in 1973. At that time, more than 2,474 different Protestant associations, comprising about 140,000 believers, were operating in the republic. Characteristically, 1,252 of those communities operated without registration (among them 540 Pentecostal groups, numbering over 14,000 believers – 43% of Ukraine’s religious underground) 5.
In addition to individual explanatory work, the authorities continued to use coercive pressure to stop the

For example, in June 1979, Dnepropetrovsk Pentecostals drew up a document “Facts and Only Facts.” It was addressed to the International Red Cross and the World Health Organization. This document asserted that the USSR healthcare system was used by the Soviet authorities to inflict psychological violence on individuals who had filed for emigration (they were forcibly placed in psychiatric hospitals). The Dnepropetrovsk Pentecostal center also prepared other documents: an “Open Letter” and two appeals: “Request for Help” (to the President, legislative bodies and political organizations of the United States); a “Statement Requesting Help” (for the UN Human Rights Committee and the heads of the 35 states that signed the Final Act of the Helsinki Agreement). These documents stated that the Soviet leadership was carrying out “sophisticated and delicate murders of the mind, conscience, spirit, and person.” The document argued that the Soviet authorities were using psychiatry as a means of combating dissent and that the conditions of confinement for prisoners of conscience in camps resembled the regime of Buchenwald and Auschwitz.9
The leaders of the Pentecostal movement, “on behalf of believers from 20 regions, territories, and republics,” drafted and sent an appeal to the CPSU Central Committee, the UN, and the International Association of Lawyers. The appeal revealed the situation of believers in the USSR — the absence of constitutional rights and freedoms, the prohibition of prayer meetings, persecution, convictions, and imprisonment for faith. The appeal reiterated the demand to be allowed to freely leave the USSR. In 1982, 121 brief biographical records of persecuted believers were sent abroad. A third of these records came from the Ternopol region.
Believers who signed emigration applications were registered on lists, placed under surveillance, and subjected to explanatory talks. The leaders of congregations where believers actively sought exit permits were arrested by state security organs. In 1981, Dnepropetrovsk presbyters of the KhEV I. Shabura, P. Pavlyuk, S. Tkachenko, and L. Litvinenko were arrested and sentenced to five years in camps. These ministers had been trying to emigrate since 1977. Despite all the measures taken by state bodies to overcome emigration sentiments among Pentecostals, their intentions remained unchanged. In 1982, applications for emigration were received from 62 families and 33 single believers (a total of 244 individuals).

Party and Soviet authorities tried to create an atmosphere of public condemnation around Pentecostal groups, but it morphed into simple crude administrative strong-arming. Emigration sentiments were explained by the authorities as the activity of religious fanatics and extremists, CIA spies. Some conservative party leaders sharply criticized perestroika processes, which they believed led to “permissiveness and irresponsibility in the country.” Council functionaries also criticized the events surrounding the millennium of the Baptism of Rus’.
The consequence of emigration processes was the expansion of the Pentecostal religious diaspora abroad. In the 1970s–1980s, this diaspora grew in Canada, England, France, Belgium, West Germany, Australia, the USA, Latin America. The names of these churches emphasized their national character — “Ukrainian Pentecostal Church of the USA”, “Ukrainian Church of the Holy Pentecost” in Toronto, “Slavic Church” in Argentina. It should be noted that worldwide Pentecostals (as well as some other Protestant denominations) are defined as a “church.” Only in the post‑Soviet space is the humiliating label “sect” still tenacious. How surprised, for instance, US presidents — Quaker R. Nixon or Baptist W. Clinton — would have been if told they were “sectarians.” Moreover, this term is often applied without any logical or scientific basis, ignoring that as early as the Soviet period researchers had quite clearly defined the content of the terms “church,” “sect,” and “denomination.”
The establishment of contacts between Protestants and foreign religious centers, and the support of believers by the world community, caused concern for the USSR leadership. The issue of persecution of believers in the Soviet country in the 1970s–1980s was widely discussed in the foreign press. Therefore, the facts of persecution left no one in doubt. Besides discussions, the problem of believers’ activities in the USSR was studied by well‑known and influential foreign academic centers. Of great importance throughout the 1970s–1980s were the studies by scholars from Keston College (the British Centre for the Study of Religion and Communism). English scholars, in particular Michael Bourdeaux, developed the theme “The Survival of Religion under Communist Regime Suppression.” The researchers asserted that despite persecution, a “religious Renaissance” is taking place in the USSR as a reaction to state repression. Specialists from Keston College explored the problem of the parallel existence of official and illegal confessions.
In the late 1970s–1980s, Pentecostals were one of the most widespread unregistered denominations. It is very difficult to determine their total number. First, Pentecostalism was not a single movement. Second, many believers were in ECB communities (considering themselves Pentecostals). Third, nobody accurately recorded the number of believers in illegal communities. Furthermore, the commissioners of the republican Council in their reports tried to understate the number of believers. The data from the Council, executive authorities, Soviet, foreign, and modern researchers, and the Pentecostal spiritual center largely do not coincide. We can state that at the beginning of the 1980s in the Ukrainian SSR there were at least 344 KhVE and KhEV communities, of which only 95 (about 10,000 persons) were registered as autonomous. By 1985, there were already 235 officially operating Pentecostal communities in Ukraine.
The most active, in terms of KhVE communities’ activity, was the Western Ukrainian region. More than half of the illegal Pentecostal groups were concentrated in Lviv, Volyn, Zakarpattia, Ivano‑Frankivsk, Rivne, Ternopil, and Chernivtsi oblasts. In the period 1981–1986, the number of Protestant communities in the republic sharply increased (by 8,225 persons), of which 8,017 (97,5%25) were located in the western oblasts. According to the Council’s calculations, the bulk of unregistered Pentecostal groups as of 1976 were located in Volyn and Vinnytsia oblasts (over 2,000 persons in each). Correspondingly, in Rivne and Zhytomyr oblasts there were one thousand believers each, in Donetsk—956, Odesa—864, Dnipropetrovsk—770, Ivano‑Frankivsk—767, Chernivtsi—610, Khmelnytskyi—500. These are very approximate figures.
The process of legalizing Pentecostals in eastern Ukraine can be interestingly examined through the example of Dnipropetrovsk oblast. Local authorities sought to streamline the network of official ECB communities and thereby solve the problem of the religious underground. It was believed that autonomous status would be attractive to KhEV believers, reduce the number of “illegals,” and not affect the structures of the official ECB church. But almost ten years after official permission, in 1977 in Dnipropetrovsk region only one KhEV community (150 persons) was legalized, and even then as an ECB community! At the same time, another KhEV community (150 persons) continuously petitioned for registration, while nine Pentecostal groups (about 700 persons) evaded legalization. In 1979, work was carried out in Dnipropetrovsk oblast to register ten KhEV groups. But there was no real change, as in 1983 in Dnipropetrovsk oblast the same ten illegal Pentecostal groups were still operating. This situation was typical for other oblasts as well 1 .
At the end of the 1970s, party leaders claimed that significant successes had been made on the religious front, and the number of believers was steadily decreasing. These assertions had no basis in reality. For example, in Zaporizhzhia oblast in 1971 there were approximately 220 persons in the Pentecostal underground. Respectively in 1973 this indicator did not change—220, in 1974 there were 205, 1975—300, 1977—400, 1981—500, 1984—323, 1985—300 11. Thus, in Zaporizhzhia oblast over 1971–1985 the KhVE underground increased by 36%. And this, considering the fact that from 1984 the number of registered autonomous KhVE communities begins to grow sharply!

In those same years, the southern branch of Pentecostals in the Ukrainian SSR also became increasingly active
Sometimes, deeply clandestine groups of Pentecostals could be registered after prolonged individual work. This work consisted, in particular, of representatives of the authorities artificially creating a conflict between the group leader and his immediate circle. The group leader was, as a rule, compromised, while his assistants received support from the authorities. This support was veiled, not openly advertised, but in the eyes of believers, the circle around the priest (presbyter) gained authority. Very often, the presbyter’s entourage, unaware of the hidden purpose of the power structures, could resolve far more issues for the community than the spiritual leader. Then small groups of believers formed around certain individuals from the presbyter’s circle, and these often transferred to registered congregations. For such believers, there were several paths — either to create a new congregation (which was problematic), or to cease religious activity (an unlikely possibility), or to join a registered association.
It should be noted that Pentecostals did not seek to go underground or to isolate themselves en masse from society. The slightest relaxation of administrative pressure had positive results. For example, while on June 17, 1973 more than 1,600 Protestant believers (from illegal groups) did not participate in voting in local Soviet elections, by 1977 this figure had been cut in half. Throughout the 1980s, the social activity of Pentecostals continued to increase.
A different situation existed with the issue of believers fulfilling their military duty — Protestants (Pentecostals, Reformed Adventists, Jehovah’s Witnesses, “pure” Baptists, Free Christians and a few others) very often refused to take up weapons. Over the period 1970–1973, more than 100 believers of various cults (on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR) refused to serve in the ranks of the Soviet Army. This trend continued in subsequent years. In the Dubrovytsia district of Rivne region alone, in 1983–1986, 24 young Pentecostal men refused to take the military oath.
Local authorities also recorded cases of refusal to perform civic duties on grounds of religious belief and on religious holidays. Also, the activity of spiritual Bible study circles was recorded. Such violations of “legislation on cults” were classified by the authorities as “particularly serious unlawful acts in sectarian associations.” Pentecostals were charged with organizing religious rites and festivals, disturbing public order, and distributing letters containing “malicious slander against Soviet reality.” **The central dogma of Pentecostal faith — glossolalia — was the subject of mockery and misinterpretation not only in the popular press but even in serious academic publications. Believers were often portrayed in a very unattractive light — as mentally unstable and unbalanced individuals incapable of normal existence in Soviet society.**In evaluating the new USSR Constitution (1977), there was no unity among Pentecostals. About 20% of registered believers evaluated the document positively, while the rest (including the illegals) believed that nothing would change. Registered believers of the KhVE and KheV demanded that Article 52 of the Constitution be supplemented with a provision on the human right “to conduct not only atheistic but also religious propaganda.” Neither the Party nor the government took this demand seriously, which was entirely in line with the overall anti-religious strategy of the Soviet state.
Council officials and workers of Soviet and party bodies also tried to root out apolitical sentiments among Pentecostals. Believers shunned participation in noisy propaganda campaigns directed against “capitalist aggression (the Anglo-Argentine war, the U.S. occupation of Grenada, the condemnation of the blockade of Cuba, the activities of the Nicaraguan “contras” and the Afghan “dushmans,” etc.), asserting in doing so that they were “outside politics.” Such attitudes among Pentecostals were also considered anti-Soviet.

. Crimean Pentecostals did not recognize registration at all, since they believed that through it the state security agencies could track the whereabouts of believers. In 1984, law enforcement agencies in Yalta developed a plan of additional practical measures to suppress “the activities of churchmen and religious extremists and to remove believers from their influence.” These measures were primarily directed against Pentecostals and supporters of the SC ECB, who “held prayer meetings in apartments, incited believers to refuse participation in public life, agitated, etc.”

The reluctance of Pentecostals to register was also fostered by the fact that in the event of legalization they would have to recognize the ideological and, especially, the organizational platform of the ECB Union. Many KhVE communities rejected this condition, while some agreed.

For example, in 1974, Pentecostal communities were registered as ECB congregations in the city of Novovolynsk (Volyn region), the city of Lutsk (300 people), and in the Zakarpattia (65 Sabbath-observing believers) and Khmelnytskyi (92 people) regions. Such communities also existed in other cities of Ukraine. If the Council consented to the registration of a Pentecostal community, then its activities were placed under constant supervision. From the mid-1970s, commissions for monitoring compliance with legislation on cults actively joined this work. Frequently initial permits for holding prayer meetings were regarded by the authorities as a sort of experiment. If the conduct of prayer meetings did not comply with existing requirements, the registration permit was revoked. This was a very cunning lever in the hands of the authorities. In reality, the fate of a community depended on the mood of a particular official, because violations of the law could be found everywhere, especially given the practice of glossolalia. But even after registering an individual KhVE community, the state structures continued to control its activities. Only “vetted, loyal, and submissive to the authorities people” were permitted to engage in preaching and leadership work in such communities. During religious holidays, Pentecostal believers were placed under special surveillance.

The period of “perestroika” in the USSR did not radically change the sentiments of Pentecostals. At least, in 1985–1988, the tendency to emigrate prevailed among unregistered believers. In 1986, in the Rivne region, 209 collective applications from believers in 14 districts (totaling 1,150 people) were submitted practically simultaneously. Prior to that, the Ternopil region had led in Western Ukraine. In 1987, a new surge of emigration sentiment arose, mainly among Pentecostals in the Rivne, Ternopil, Lviv, and Chernivtsi regions. To facilitate organized emigration from the USSR, believers created an “initiative group for leaving the USSR.” Ten families received permission to leave. Another 215 applications from Pentecostal families were under consideration. The “emigration impulses” of the Pentecostals also influenced other confessions. From 1979, Evangelical Christians-Baptists (supporters of the SC ECB) also began to demand exit permits.

With the emergence of autonomous KhVE communities, the performance of baptismal rites among believers sharply increased. Although Pentecostals were limited in their actions, in 1974–1975 they conducted about 120 baptisms. For 16 autonomous communities over 2 years, this was a decent figure. In 1976, over 250 sermons were preached in KhVE communities. Legal Pentecostals were allowed to organize their own cash funds for collecting money for religious needs. In comparison with the communities of the ECB Union, the income of the Pentecostals was half as much. The financial weakness of autonomous KhVE communities is historically conditioned—from 1945 to 1968 they had no right to independent existence.
It should be noted that Pentecostal communities, like those of other Protestants, were not numerous. As a rule, they numbered up to 100 believers. There were cases when local authorities, registering an urban KhVE community, also counted believers from surrounding villages. These believers attended the prayer meetings of the urban community, because they had no other opportunity to satisfy their spiritual needs. Thus, the size of individual KhVE communities could reach 400 persons or more. Parallel to the process of legalization, there was also a disintegration of small Pentecostal groups (up to 10 people). This was a consequence of the deliberate conspiracy of believers, who throughout the 1950s–1960s purposely fragmented their organizations. The phenomenon of the dissolution of small KhVE groups was also observed in the 1980s.

As a preventive measure to forestall violations of religious legislation by Pentecostals, the authorities used fines, warnings at administrative commissions, and moral “pressure” at meetings of work collectives. Seminars, lectures, talks, and presentations on questions of religion, legislation on cults, and the registration of Pentecostals were systematically held. Individual work with believers throughout the 1970s–1980s was characterized not only by explaining the legislation on cults to the leaders of the confession but also by preventive conversations with rank-and-file Pentecostals. K.Z. Litvin believed that “overall, this led to a significant reduction in the activity of KhVE believers.” Despite all the measures undertaken by state bodies, the majority of Pentecostals evaded registration and did not change their opinion about the nature of Soviet legislation on religious cults. The underground spiritual center of the Pentecostals (the episcopate), citing biblical texts, proclaimed registration to be “a flagrant violation of the Word of God.” In their appeal adopted regarding registration, the leaders of unofficial KhVE communities declared that obedience to state laws is appropriate when they serve “the good name of the Lord and do not infringe upon the rights of believers.”

Analysis of the Pentecostals’ activities shows that their communities, in most cases, were compactly located. For example, in the Kyiv region, in the Kaharlik and Obukhiv districts, almost a third of the believers of that region lived. In the Rakytne and Tarashcha districts of the Kyiv region, about 20% of the oblast’s believers lived. In Vinnytsia oblast, Pentecostals concentrated mainly in the Lityn and Tavriv districts, and in Zhytomyr oblast — in the Smilchyn district. It should be noted that throughout the 1970s–1980s, Pentecostals particularly intensified their activities in the large industrial centers of the republic. This largely depended on the specifics of migration processes. The motives for believers’ migration depended on their personality traits, worldview, value orientations, and material and spiritual needs. To expand missionary activity, Pentecostals needed a receptive environment, especially young people. It is not surprising that in the early 1970s, the center of Pentecostal activity definitively shifted to the cities.
Sociologists identify several directions and paths of Protestant migrations during the Soviet period: from city to city, from village to city, seasonal and inter‑republic migration. The KhVE (Christians of Evangelical Faith) denomination was characterized by all these types of migration. The early stage of the migration process in Pentecostalism was recorded in the late 1960s – early 1970s. It was observed primarily in central and southeastern Ukraine; in the western part of the republic, KhVE believers mainly concentrated in villages.
Pentecostal communities that moved from the village to the city were under special and constant surveillance by the authorities. Distinguishing features of urban KhVE communities (compared to rural ones) were: intensive religious activity, a higher level of organization, and the presence of a qualified staff of preachers. The fact that there were more believers with secondary and higher education in the cities contributed to a significant strengthening of the communities. For example, in Chernivtsi oblast, according to Council data, in rural areas there were approximately 6% of believers with secondary and higher education, while in urban areas — 13%.

In the 1980s, the process of integrating Ukrainian believers into the global Pentecostal movement takes place. In June 1987, representatives of Ukrainian Pentecostals joined the governing body of the European Pentecostal Conference (Lisbon), where the European Pentecostal Society was created.

In our time, Pentecostalism has become a powerful religious movement of modernity, and it is actively developing in contemporary Ukraine.

NOTES

1 Central State Archive of Public Associations of Ukraine (TsGAOO of Ukraine). F. 1. Op. 25. D. 663.
2 Ibid. D. 1475.
3 Central State Archive of the Supreme Bodies of Power and Administration of Ukraine (TsGAVOV of Ukraine). F. 4648, Op. 5. D. 236. L. 71
4 TsGAVOV of Ukraine. F. 4648. Op. 5. D. 284. L. 16‑30; F. 2. Op. 13. D. 7721. L. 158; TsGAOO. F. 1. Op. 25. D. 663. L. 55; F. 1. Op. 10. D. 1479. L. 9.
5 TsGAOO of Ukraine. F. 1. Op. 10. D. 1475. L. 73.
6 Ibid. Op. 25. D. 823.
7 Ibid. Op. 10. D. 1479. L. 99.
8 Ibid. Op. 25. D. 1508. L. 47.
9 State Archive of Dnipropetrovsk Oblast. F. R.‑6465. Op. 2. D. 265. L. 67‑85.
10 State Archive of Zaporizhzhia Oblast. F. R.‑1335. Op. 21. D. 379. L. 95. “Ibid. D. 19. L. 10.”

Print, save, email .pdf