All-Polish Union of Christians of Evangelical Faith

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In March 1921, a peace treaty was signed between the RSFSR and Poland, which went down in history as the Treaty of Riga. According to it, significant territories of the western regions of Belarus and Ukraine were ceded to Poland. Somewhat earlier, in October 1920, Polish troops entered the territory of Lithuania and seized the city of Wilno (Vilnius) and the Vilnius region, forming the Wilno Voivodeship within Poland. Until 1939, all these lands were part of Poland, and religious life developed here differently from what was happening in Soviet Russia and the USSR.

Although Poland had been a Catholic country from time immemorial, and the majority of the population professed Catholicism, the first Protestant communities – Calvinists and Lutherans – had already appeared here in the 16th and 17th centuries. The evangelical movement received an additional impetus during the First World War, when a huge flow of population moved across Polish territory. The mass emigration of Poles to the United States, Canada, and Australia in search of work played a huge role in bringing other religions to Poland. According to statistics, in 1905–1914, over 200,000 Poles left for America. Many of them left their native but “deadened” Catholicism and Orthodoxy, which said nothing to the soul, and joined evangelical communities. Very soon, migrants from Poland, Russia, and other Slavic countries formed a huge multitude of Pentecostal and Baptist churches in America. Upon returning home, they brought the new faith to their fellow villagers, relatives, and acquaintances.

Beginning in 1919, the Pentecostal movement gradually spread across the Belarusian and Ukrainian Polesie. The first five years were a time of “preparation” for the new faith, when communities were established, houses of prayer were built, religious literature was distributed, invitation and special meetings were held in homes, spiritual conversations took place, and missionaries performed water baptisms. One cannot fail to mention, at least briefly, some of those who, returning from America, brought the new faith, at times overcoming misunderstanding, enmity, attacks, and persecution. At the very beginning of the path stood – Grigory Kraskovsky, Stepan Yarmolyuk, Onufry Mazalo, Porfiry Ilchuk, Trofim Nagorny, Iosif Antonyuk, Nil Romanyuk, Grigory Golubitsky, Mikhail Verbitsky, Grigory Goroshko, Fedor Kaplun, Ivan Zub-Zolotarev, Fedor Kandyba. Shortly thereafter, those who came to faith in their native villages, breaking with Orthodoxy, also appeared.

Thus, by the mid-1920s, Pentecostal communities and groups had emerged almost throughout the entire territory of Belarus, as well as in Volhynia and Polesie. The situation objectively pushed all of them toward closer cooperation.

A landmark event in the new destiny of the Pentecostal movement in Poland was the 1st Congress of Representatives of Pentecostal Communities. It took place on May 1-3, 1924, in the town of Kremenets (Ternopil region). Ivan Alekseevich Geris (Gerasevich) played a huge role in its preparation. Like many of his fellow countrymen, he left his native Kremenets during the First World War, moved to America, and settled in Philadelphia. At first, America charmed him; he even changed his last name to an American style – Geris. But despite his gifts and abilities, he did not become a businessman or entrepreneur; instead, he discovered that his calling was to serve God. And a devout Orthodox believer became a Pentecostal. He was acquainted with I.E. Voronaev and G. Schmidt – people who played a special role in the history of the Pentecostal movement in Russia.

In the autumn of 1923, Ivan Geris’s dream came true – he returned to his homeland. After acquainting himself with the life of Pentecostal communities in Ukraine, a conviction arose that it was necessary to create a common guiding center. This could only be done through a constituent congress. At Geris’s invitation, Iosif Chersky came to Kremenets for permanent residence and spiritual ministry, taking on the duties of leading the Kremenets church. And Geris devoted all his efforts to preparing the congress.

Representatives of a significant portion of the existing churches gathered for the congress. Present were I. Geris, P. Ilchuk, I. Antonyuk, T. Nagorny, I. Chersky, M. Verbitsky, G. Golubitsky, G. Kraskovsky, S. Yarmolyuk, G. Goroshko, and a number of other preachers. At the congress, a union of Pentecostal churches was created and a work plan was defined. The church charter was adopted, doctrine was formulated, and rules of church life were established. The extremely burning issue of the attitude toward military service was discussed separately. After a difficult discussion, the opinion was reached that each believer independently determines whether or not to serve in the army. At the conclusion of the congress, Iosif Chersky (See about him: Chernov M.I. The Pentecostal Movement in the USSR in the 1920s-30s / Freedom of Conscience in Russia: Historical and Contemporary Aspects. – Moscow: Russian Association of Researchers of Religion, 2005. During the hardest years of World War II, I. Chersky remained with his flock. After the war ended – like many other ethnic Poles – he returned to Poland. From Poland, he helped Pentecostal churches in the USSR in every way – with money and literature.) and Porfiry Ilchuk were ordained to presbyterial ministry – the first presbyters of the Pentecostal brotherhood in the then Poland. I. Geris soon returned to America after the congress.

In the following two years, 1924-1926, a significant number of churches were opened, both in Poland proper and in the newly annexed territories. During these years, Polish emigrants continued to return from America and join the Pentecostal communities. Such was, for example, Stanislav Nedvetsky, who sold his property in America and returned as a preacher. Religious awakening in the territory of the Minsk region is associated with his name. In 1926, I.K. Panko, who had previously been a member of the Evangelical Christian church, joined the Christians of the Evangelical Faith.

Unity gradually grew among the local churches operating in most of what was then Poland. Regular meetings of preachers and ministers took place, where doctrinal positions were clarified and worked out, the foundations of common church practice were laid, and district associations of Pentecostal congregations were formed.

There was an acute need for the next all-Polish congress of Pentecostal congregations. On October 1, 1927, I.A. Geris arrived from the USA, who was at that time a missionary of the Pentecostal union “Church of God” (Tennessee). His organizational efforts were directed toward preparing the second congress. It opened on February 28, 1928, in Kremenets and lasted two days. There were 92 delegates and 10 guests present.

During lively discussion, very important decisions were made: on extensive evangelization in Polesie with preaching the doctrine of the baptism in the Holy Spirit, and on building a house of prayer in Kremenets. At the same time, it was decided to set up training for evangelists, Sunday school teachers, leaders of women’s meetings and youth groups, song and choir directors.

The congress also discussed a vast list of questions concerning the practical life of the congregations: ordination of deacons, marriage and divorce, the procedure for infant baptism, admission to preaching, blessing of children, fellowship with other religious organizations, holidays (See: Document No. 1, pp. 107-108 ).

At the conclusion of the second congress, I. Geris again departed for America, where he became one of the leading ministers of the worldwide Pentecostal union “Church of God.” He was never to visit his homeland again. But for many more years, letters from him came to Ukraine, and aid came to fellow believers.

Beginning in 1928, the history of Pentecostalism in Poland is inseparably linked with the ministers of the East European Mission of the Pentecostal union “Assemblies of God” — Gustav Schmidt, Arthur Bergholz, Gustav Kinderman, Vera Nitsch, and others. The mission was formed in 1928 through the efforts of the Assemblies of God missionary G. Schmidt. Its headquarters was in Chicago. Since it was expected that it would mainly carry out work in the territory of Eastern Europe: the Baltic states, the Balkans, Poland, Romania, Hungary, — the Field Office of the mission was located in the city of Danzig (now Gdańsk, Poland).

Document No. 1

Questions Discussed at the Congress, and Answers

1. Question: Is it possible to ordain as deacons and evangelists those not baptized with the Holy Spirit? Answer: It was resolved to admit to ordination only members who have been baptized with the Holy Spirit (Acts 6:37; 13:2-3).

2. Question: Should we consult prophets in every matter? Answer: It was resolved: to turn to the most sure prophetic word (2 Pet. 1:19; Isa. 8:20).

3. Question: How should false prophets be dealt with? Answer: It was resolved: a) if false prophets have caused many stumblings and upon rebuke repented, then keep them under observation for some time; b) and if they do not accept the rebuke and continue to cause stumblings, such are to be excommunicated (Matt. 18:6-9; 19:18; Jer. 14:14-16; Deut. 18:22; Ezek. 13:3; Acts 20:28-32).

4. Question: Can there be true prophets? Answer: It was decided that there can be true prophets on the basis of God’s Word, but such must be tested (1 Cor. 14:29; 12:10, 28; Acts 11:28; 13:1; 15:32; 21:10).

5. Question: On holidays. Answer: It was resolved to observe the following holidays: a) Nativity of Christ — two days b) Epiphany on January 6 — one day c) New Year’s Eve with prayer — one day d) Presentation of the Lord on February 2 — one day e) Easter — two days f) Ascension — one day g) Trinity — two days h) Transfiguration on August 6 — one day i) and Sundays, and all other holidays are not to be observed, considering them as working days. Regarding style, conform to the locality and settlement.

6. Question: On spiritual ordination. Answer: It was decided that ordination must be in accordance with God’s Word, that is, natural ordination, not spiritual, and presbyters are to ordain (Acts 6:6; 13:3; 14:23).

7. Question: On marriages and divorces. Answer: It was decided that believers should not seek divorces (Gen. 1:27-28; Matt. 5:32; 19:4-9; Rom. 7:2; 1 Cor. 7:2).

8. Question: At what age can baptism be received? Answer: It was decided to perform water baptism at discretion (Mark 16:16; Mark 28:19).

9. Question: How many times should the person being baptized be immersed in water? Answer: It was decided to immerse only once in water at baptism (Rom. 6:3-4).

10. Question: Who should be allowed to preach, and who should not be allowed? Answer: It was decided not to allow unfamiliar and untested people to preach (Acts 9:26-27; 1 Tim. 3:10).

11. Question: Should children be taken in arms during the blessing? Answer: It was decided to take children in arms during the blessing on the basis of Scripture (Luke 2:29; Mark 10:13).

12. Question: On the laying on of hands at marriage. Answer: It was decided not to lay on hands at weddings.

13. Question: On fellowship or union with other sects. Answer: It was decided not to have fellowship with those who distort the Word of God and blaspheme.

Franchuk V.I. Russia Asked the Lord for Rain. Kiev. 2001. Vol. 1. Pp. 415–416.

***

The primary goal of the Mission was to unite all those communities that had not joined I. Geris’s Pentecostal union. Then to achieve the unification of both unions. The long-term vision was to attain full unity of views on doctrinal matters; to establish proper spiritual nurture and training; to strengthen organizational ties among all operating associations in Poland that included representatives of various nationalities — Russians, Ukrainians, Poles, Germans, Belorussians. On behalf of the Mission, G. Schmidt approached I. Geris with a proposal to expand the union, reorganize the work, and engage in joint ministry. But the negotiations broke down. Evidently, the fact that G. Schmidt and I. Geris belonged to different Pentecostal unions — the “Church of God” and the “Assemblies of God” — played a role.

Throughout the year, preparatory work was carried out for an all-Polish united congress of Pentecostal communities operating in Poland, as well as in the annexed territories of Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia. It was held on May 5, 1929, in the village of Stara Cholnitsa (Volhynia Region). Eighty-three delegates attended. Presbyter I. Zub‑Zolotarev of the Cholnitsa community was elected chairman. Taking into account that throughout the world Pentecostals call themselves Christians of the Evangelical Faith, and that an All‑Ukrainian Union of Christians of the Evangelical Faith had been operating in Ukraine since 1925 under the leadership of Voronaev, the delegates decided to name their union — the Union of Christians of the Evangelical Faith. Subsequently, Pentecostal communities in eastern Ukraine were called Christians of the Evangelical Faith, while in western Ukraine — Christians of Faith of the Gospel. At the congress in Stara Cholnitsa, the Charter of the Union of Christians of the Evangelical Faith was adopted, regulating the order of activity for local churches and the Union as a whole. Two other important decisions were made as well — to publish the journal “Primiritel” and to open Bible courses for training preachers.

Already in March 1930, a permanent Bible school for leaders of Pentecostal communities from Eastern European countries began operating in Danzig. Its founder was G. Schmidt, who from the very beginning of his work in Europe had been thinking about and preparing for the opening of an educational institution where, in his words, one could “impart … the true word, in accordance with sound doctrine, so that they (the students — M.Ch.) might also be able to instruct and reprove.” The organizers, directors, and teachers were G. Kinderman, V. Nitch, G. Schmidt, P. Steklin (Stechlik), and Steiner, who had come from America.

In 1930 Danzig was visited by the head of the Eastern European Mission, Ch. V. Swanson. His impression of the school has been preserved, published in the pages of the journal “Primiritel”: “From the station we drove to the newly finished premises of the Eastern European Mission. On the first floor I saw a fine large meeting hall seating 400 people. In this hall the Danzig Pentecostal community holds its meetings, and in one half of it the classrooms of the Bible courses are located. On the same floor are the office of the Mission’s field headquarters and the editorial office of ‘Primiritel.’ On the next floor is the dormitory for Bible course students, gleaming with cleanliness — walls, beds, and linen alike. On the same floor are the dining room, kitchen, reading room, bathroom, and separate rooms for the teachers. On the third floor are workers’ quarters and spare quarters for 20 students, should the Lord be pleased to bless the prosperity and expansion of the Bible courses. The number of students may thus be increased to 50.” 2.

As a rule, the work of the courses was structured as follows. Every day except Saturday and Sunday, students received three lectures. On Tuesdays and Sundays the students conducted open‑air meetings in the city squares, as well as in the city’s Pentecostal church. Three course participants were assigned to each service. On Tuesday meetings students — both male and female — testified in turn: Germans, Russians, Poles, Swiss, Hungarians. For those who could not attend the School on a regular basis, correspondence Bible courses were opened. Texts were sent to the students, their independent work was received and evaluated, and correspondence examinations were held. In the pages of “Primiritel” there was a permanent section featuring lessons for Sunday schools, organizational and content material, outlines, courses and programs, and aids for organizing schools. (See the article in this collection: «The Journal «Primiritel» — Creator and Witness of the History of Pentecostalism in Europe and Russia. 1929‑1939.»)

The Bible school operated regularly in 1930‑1933, and during that time 271 people received theological training there. The economic crisis that broke out in Europe in February 1933 led to the suspension of the school’s activities. But the teaching work did not cease. G. Schmidt conducted short‑term courses in a whole series of communities in Poland, Estonia, Romania, Hungary, Yugoslavia and other countries.

In October 1935 the School resumed its work, but in a new capacity — as a Bible institute. Its director became N. Nikolov, the first leader of the Pentecostal churches of Bulgaria. He had joined the Pentecostal movement at the age of twenty, in 1921, when I. Voronaev was preaching in Bulgaria. The course of study at the Institute lasted two years. Male and female students came from Eastern European countries where Pentecostal church unions had already been established: Germany, Estonia, Poland, Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Yugoslavia. Among the teachers were G. Schmidt, N. Nikolov, prominent Pentecostal theologians — Howard Carter (England), L. Jones (New Zealand), W. Nagel (USA). The most significant contribution to the education of preachers in Danzig during the entire existence of the Bible school and Bible institute was made by the foremost theoretician of the worldwide Pentecostal movement, Donald Gee (in Polish — Gee). The Institute functioned until 1938, training 89 students.

Over the course of ten years (1929–1939), with the support of the Bible School and the Bible Institute, short-term Bible courses were held in a number of countries—Estonia, Romania, Yugoslavia, Hungary—for the Union’s district associations, and about a hundred short courses with preachers and ministers were held in the districts. Twice a year, music and choral conductor courses took place in various locations, training between 8 and 25 people, mostly capable and musically gifted youth. Sunday schools were organized locally for children, and sometimes for adults. In some places, for instance in Łódź, in 1935, a youth organization, “Young Messengers of Christ,” was even created on the basis of the children’s Sunday schools.

The village of Cholnitsa became the center of the Pentecostal movement in the regions of western Ukraine and Byelorussia. Here, in the summer of 1929, choral-conductor-music and Bible courses were held.^3 The leaders of Pentecostal congregations also testified to their faith at Baptist meetings. In particular, the presbyter of the Cholnitsa congregation, Zub-Zolotarev, spoke several times in June 1929 at the Bible courses conducted by the Baptists, “testifying about the baptism of the Holy Spirit.”^4

The direct supervision of the local churches’ life was entrusted to the Union committee, consisting of thirteen persons: Arthur Bergholz, chairman; Iosif Chersky, deputy chairman; Ivan Zub-Zolotarev, secretary; Daniil Komsa, treasurer; and members: P. Ilchuk, T. Nagorny, S. Yarmolyuk, G. Kraskovsky, M. Verbitsky, E. Strelka, M. Maslanchuk, R. Shvukht, O. Mazalo. The All-Polish Union fulfilled the functions of general leadership, consulting, publishing spiritual literature, organizing musical-choral and theological education, as well as representation before the authorities of Poland. The entire territory where the Union’s congregations operated was divided into districts, led by the most prepared leaders and preachers. It was in the districts that the main spiritual life flowed. By 1936, the Union had 15 districts, which can be grouped into three regions:

Northern group – Byelorussia; districts: Polesye, Novogrudok, Molodechno-Vileika, Pruzhanо-Brest
Central group – Volhynia; districts: Kremenets, Kivertsy, Stepan, Gorokhov, Brody, Dubno
Southern group – Galicia; districts: Podvolochisk, Ternopol, Zolochev, Lvov, Peremyshl

The evangelistic work bore fruit. As examples, one can cite a number of reports published in the magazine The Reconciler. St. Nedvetsky, a leader of one of the congregations in Poland, wrote: “In my district over the last three months—May, June, and July—the Lord baptized 32 souls with the Holy Spirit. During the same period, 108 souls entered into covenant with the Lord through water baptism. Three received healing: two children and one brother.”^5

Trofim Nagorny reported the opening of a new house of prayer in the village of Bykovtsy,^6 and G. Goroshko told about a water baptism held in the village of Barsuki: “Many believers gathered for the baptism, and the outside crowd numbered up to 500. Forty souls received water baptism… The joyful atmosphere was marred by a lamentable incident. Even before the baptism, stones began to be thrown at us from the crowd, and a sister, already elderly, about sixty years old, was struck on the head by a stone and wounded until she bled. The sister fell, alarm arose, the police dispersed the whole crowd, the sister was lifted up and taken by cart to a doctor, who bandaged her.”^7

The congregations also grew through those coming from other religious associations. For example, in April 1930, a district conference of Evangelical Christians took place in the city of Pinsk, with 17 delegates participating. Of these, 12 persons, representing up to 1,000 members of Evangelical Christian congregations, decided to join the Union of Pentecostals of Poland.^8

The fourth regular congress of the Union of Christians of Evangelical Faith in Poland took place on May 27–28, 1931, in the Krichilsky district. More than 100 delegates were present. Among the main issues were: expanding publishing activities, with special attention to the printing of hymnals; increasing the circulation of The Reconciler; ordaining new individuals for pastoral ministry; and re-electing the Union committee. The composition of the committee remained almost unchanged. Only G. Kraskovsky, who had died suddenly in January 1931, was replaced by I.K. Panko, and O. Mazalo became deputy chairman.

The fifth congress of the Union of Christians of Evangelical Faith took place on May 23–25, 1933, in the village of Seltso. It was attended by 12 delegates and 34 guests. Among the latter was P. Peterson, president of the East European Mission. At the congress it was noted that the total membership of the Union had reached more than 15,000 believers. It was reported that over the previous two years, 20 district conferences had been held, at which urgent questions of the spiritual life of local churches were discussed. It was noted that the congregations had to contend with the active proselytism of certain religious groups—Murashkovites, Zionists, Christians “in the spirit of the apostles” (Oneness adherents). The task was set to safeguard the purity of one’s own teaching and to protect the flock.

In 1935 the sixth congress of the Union of Christians of Evangelical Faith in Poland took place. Delegates representing Polish, Russian, Ukrainian, and German congregations, along with guests—150 persons in all—gathered on June 4–6 in Kivertsy, Lutsk county. From the East European Mission, P. Peterson and G. Schmidt were present. The chairman of the Union, A. Bergholz, directed the work of the congress. From the congress materials it followed that the Union’s membership had reached more than 18,000. Among the activities carried out during the reporting period were mentioned: choral conductor courses, courses for Sunday-school teachers, publishing of spiritual literature, construction of houses of prayer, and the establishment of an orphanage in Baranovichi. Immediately after the congress, Bible courses for local church leaders were conducted in Kivertsy.

The seventh congress of the All-Polish Union took place on September 24–26, 1937, in Lodz. Fifty delegates and twenty guests were present. It was noted that over the preceding two years 3,304 people had been baptized, and the Union united more than 21,000 believers, although a considerable number of brethren had emigrated to South America. During the last two years dozens of prayer houses were built, premises for a children’s home in Kivertsi had been acquired, and three spiritual magazines were being regularly published: The Reconciler (in Russian); The Evangelical Voice (in Ukrainian); and Przystęp (Dostęp) (Access) — in Polish. Songbooks and other spiritual literature were also being issued.

Under Polish law only local churches were subject to registration. The Polish government denied registration to the Union as a whole. Lacking legal-entity status, the Union encountered many difficulties in its practical activity. Nevertheless, the chairman of the Union, A. Bergholts, speaking at this congress as on other occasions, called on believers to be loyal to the Polish state, both in everyday life and in military service. A. Bergholts was re-elected as leader of the Union, with I. Panko as his deputy.

By the beginning of the Second World War there were already about 300 congregations of Christians of the Evangelical Faith in Western Ukraine, uniting around 25,000 people. The growth in the number of the Union’s affiliates is illustrated by baptismal statistics from the local churches:

May–June 1934 — 1,140 people baptized
Summer 1936 — 2,161 people baptized
1937 — 1,143 people baptized
1938 — 1,601 people baptized.

The Polish Union maintained constant international contacts, providing pastoral care for communities in Europe. G. Schmidt repeatedly visited Hungary, Austria, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, where he attended meetings of Pentecostal congregations, preached sermons and baptized new members. Special attention was given to communities operating outside Europe, which included Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians who had left Russia in various years and settled far from their homelands. In addition, the Union’s leaders attended international Pentecostal congresses and conferences. For example, in June 1930 G. Schmidt traveled to England for a Pentecostal conference attended by more than two thousand people. At the same time, at the Union’s invitation, prominent preachers, missionaries and church workers from various European countries visited its local churches.

The next, eighth, congress of the All-Polish Union was scheduled for the autumn of 1939. But the Second World War, which began on 1 September 1939, overturned all plans, disrupted connections between communities and disorganized the Union’s activity. In connection with the reunification of Western Belarus and Western Ukraine with the USSR, many churches found themselves within the territory of the Soviet Union and now had to function under new conditions. The Union’s leader, A. Bergholts, ended up in territory occupied by the Germans. Publication of the magazine The Reconciler and other spiritual literature ceased.

In these new circumstances the difficult task of leadership was assumed by the Union’s deputy chairman, I.K. Panko. Within a year or a year and a half he managed to restore the connections between communities that had been broken by the war and to coordinate the activity of the local churches. But in June 1941 Nazi Germany treacherously attacked the Soviet Union, and once again the religious life of the Union was disorganized.

Within a short time the Baltic states, Belarus, Ukraine, and the western and southern regions of the Russian Federation were occupied. Henceforth a new order of relations between the occupation authorities and various religious organizations was established there. It was essentially based on the ideology of the ruling National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) and on the directives and orders of Führer Adolf Hitler, which boiled down to the need for a total struggle against “the church.” This term was understood to mean all religious organizations active at that time, and not just one specific religious body. Their place was to be taken by a “state religion” and a “state church,” free from the “shortcomings” of Christianity. According to the party ideologues, they were to be grounded in the “Germanic-Nordic movement,” which was to be supported covertly by gradually introducing its inherent rituals not only into state life but also into the private lives of citizens.

It was assumed that the Nazi plan for “building a new religion and a new church” would be fully realized within 25 years. Then the “new” religion would be proclaimed the state religion, i.e., mandatory for all citizens. It would have no clergy; only “national state orators,” who would be civil servants, would deliver speeches. Icons, crosses and other cultic objects would be removed from the temples. Many Christian sacraments and rites would be rejected; the Bible and other Christian liturgical and religious literature would be banned; religious educational institutions would be closed. Everywhere in prayer rooms the swastika would be depicted. On the altar, instead of the Bible, Mein Kampf would be placed, and to its left — a sword.

The practical implementers of Nazi Germany’s religious policy were: the Reich Ministry for Church Affairs (headed by Hanns Kerrl); the Reich Main Security Office (H. Himmler) and its Office IV (H. Müller); as well as such bodies as the SD — the SS Security Service, the SS intelligence service, and the Sipo — the Security Police.

In relation to the occupied Soviet territory, the main governing body became the Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories, headed by Alfred Rosenberg — the Nazi party ideologue, who dealt directly with church questions and was the head of the NSDAP’s Foreign Policy Office. As the German troops advanced further eastward, the occupied territories were placed under his control.

The ministry was tasked with overall leadership in implementing the religious policy of the Nazis. For this purpose, a special group for religious policy was created within the ministry under the leadership of Karl Rosenfelder. Its staff regularly traveled to the occupied territories to study the religious situation, prepared analytical materials, and made specific proposals for carrying out various measures within church circles. The Reich Ministry for the Eastern Territories, while paying primary attention to the policy of destroying Orthodox churches in Ukraine and Belarus, also sought to use a third force—the “sectarian movement.” In one of his reports, Karl Rosenfelder bluntly stated: “it is necessary not to hinder the probably strongly flourishing sectarianism, which is fueled by old Russian sects and long-term decentralization. These sects act…like bacteria, from which the Orthodox bloc loses its strength. The numerous sects existing in southern Ukraine, which are heavily influenced by the local Germans, are considered especially Germanophile” |0. (For more details, see: Odintsov M.I. Power and Religion during the War. The State and Religious Organizations in the USSR during the Great Patriotic War 1941–1945. Moscow, 2005; Shkarovsky M.V. The Policy of the Third Reich towards the Russian Orthodox Church in Light of Archival Materials of 1935–1945. Collection of Documents. Moscow, 2003.)

It is very difficult to agree with Rosenfelder’s last assertion, since Russian Germans were politically loyal to the Soviet system and in no way felt themselves to be a “political opposition.” But statements of this kind by Nazi leaders, which were no secret to Soviet intelligence services, became a “justification” for policies of pressure and repression against Russian Germans during the war and even after its end.

In the newly conquered eastern territories, new administrative-territorial entities—Reichskommissariats—were created. On September 1, 1941, the Reichskommissariats “Ostland” headed by H. Lohse and “Ukraine” headed by E. Koch were established. These, in turn, were divided into districts, regions, areas, counties, and volosts. Through these governing bodies, the ministry also intended to implement its vision of church policy in the East. In an effort to control the activities of religious organizations, the occupation authorities established departments for church affairs under city administrations. Their activities included the selection of church personnel, organizing the work of churches, scheduling church services, etc.

An analysis of documents issued in 1941 by various German agencies tasked with directly implementing party policy on religion and the church in the East shows that it entailed the following specific actions:

limiting the activity of the Catholic and Greek Catholic churches with the aim of their gradual liquidation
limiting the activity of the Evangelical churches of the Baltic states, seeking to “split” them into as many independent groups as possible
denying believers the return of former church property pending a special study and subsequent decision on this matter by the German authorities
suppressing any attempts at political activity by all church organizations
preventing clergy from the territory of the Reich from entering Soviet prisoner-of-war camps, while allowing prisoners themselves to select from their midst persons to meet their religious needs
prohibiting missionary activity in the eastern territories by religious organizations from Germany and other neighboring states.

The implementation of this program was strictly controlled by central party and state bodies. For example, shortly after the conclusion of the summer campaign of 1941, a meeting was held in Berlin under the leadership of Gestapo chief Müller, devoted to church policy in the occupied territories. The reports dealt with the situation of Orthodoxy in the East and the Balkans, and the relations of the Orthodox Church with other Christian churches. The general position was expressed by one of the speakers, SS-Untersturmführer Wandesleben, who confirmed that there could be no question of recreating a Russian Church “infected with Bolshevism” in the conquered eastern space. It was proposed that in domestic policy in the East everything be done to maintain constant tension between Catholic and Orthodox parishes, to support religious minorities in every way as a counterbalance to the large churches, and, furthermore, to infiltrate “a sufficient number of trusted persons” into religious groups in order to obtain information and maintain a struggle of all against all.

By the autumn of 1942, however, it became clear that the religious movement in the conquered territory did not fit the political expectations of the occupiers; they were unable to play the “religious card” in the desired political direction. The war was dragging on, and the occupation authorities had to reckon with religious associations as a long-term factor in the internal political situation in the East. On the one hand, more effective ways and means had to be found to “include” religious organizations in political support for the authorities. On the other hand, greater public loyalty and tolerance had to be shown toward them. Of course, this was forced tolerance due to the emerging military-political circumstances.

Hitler did not abandon his plans for a final resolution of the religious question, and in conversations with those close to him he repeatedly let slip: “The greatest harm to the people is done by the priests of both confessions. I cannot answer them now, but everything is being entered in a large notebook. The hour will come, and I will settle accounts with them without much ceremony. In times like these I have no time for petty legal quibbles. The decisive question is whether it is expedient or not. I am convinced that in ten years everything will look different. For we cannot escape a fundamental decision in any case… But for that we need a certain support (This refers to the Catholic and Protestant churches of Germany.)» . There is no doubt that he is speaking again and again about plans to create a “new religion” and a “new” state church, which would be established in the Third Reich and in the territories of defeated countries, and which for the national churches meant one thing — annihilation.

In Belarus, which together with the Baltic states belonged to the Reichskommissariat Ostland, the occupation authorities likewise pursued a policy of carrot and stick toward the Protestant churches.

In Western Belarus, the town of Baranovichi became the center of the Pentecostal movement, after I.K. Panko, one of the leaders of Evangelical Christians, moved there from Vilnius. Although not immediately, he eventually managed to establish contacts among all the leading ministers, to form a common leadership of the churches, at the head of which he was elected.

Relations with the occupiers developed with difficulty. It was known that in Germany the fascists persecuted Pentecostals, closed their prayer houses, broke up meetings, and sent leaders to concentration camps. Many Pentecostals were forced, in order to avoid repression, to officially join Baptist congregations, toward which the Germans were more loyal. Under these conditions there was little hope of legalizing Pentecostal congregations in Belarus.

The Pentecostal leaders managed to contact one of the leaders of the Pentecostal movement in Germany, Gustav Schmidt, asking for advice on how to proceed under the new political conditions. In October 1942 a reply arrived, which advised the Pentecostal associations of Belarus and Ukraine to join the Baptists (See: Document No. 2. pp. 118–119). Such a recommendation was probably justified for conditions in Germany. But for the Belarusian ministers this path did not seem the only possible one, although some congregations did follow it. The leaders of the Pentecostal congregations decided to approach the occupation authorities in Belarus with a request to recognize their independent religious center and to grant permission to open Pentecostal congregations. Strangely enough, the request was granted. (The same applies to the Pentecostal congregations in Ukraine.) The Pentecostal center was registered in 1943 as the “Consistory of the Church of Christians of Evangelical Faith.” The town of Baranovichi was recognized as its seat, and I.K. Panko came to be called “bishop” by the German administration. The loyalty of the Pentecostal congregations to the occupation authorities was forced and seemed to consist exclusively in the observance of external legal norms of their organization and church activity. Both believers and leaders did everything possible to avoid any political statements or actions that could be interpreted as support for the occupiers. Patriotic attitudes were widespread among congregation members. For example, the minister S. Nedvetsky openly said in his sermons that the power of the fascists would soon end and the Soviet army would return. In the spring of 1943, following a denunciation by a traitor, he was arrested and shot in Vileyka prison.

Document No. 2

Letter from G. Schmidt to the leaders of Pentecostal societies in Belarus and Ukraine

4 October 1942

Dear brothers in the Lord!

After two and a half years, it has again been granted to me for the first time to be in Dietzmanstadt and to have fellowship with God’s children, something my heart has long desired.

I am writing this letter in the home of Brother Bergholz, who, unfortunately, was not at home when I arrived, but, thanks to wonderful divine guidance, unexpectedly received leave and came home last week.

Here I received news of your life and heartily thanked my Lord that by His grace He has helped you withstand the storms of this time. Yet a certain number of brothers and sisters have gone into eternity and are in the abode of the Lord, where there is no suffering, no tears, and where there is no more separation.

You have already, of course, heard of the affliction which I had to endure for the sake of the Gospel, but for that I also experienced the faithfulness of my Lord, when the wonderful and blessed presence of God became more precious and real to me with each passing day. And now I love my Savior more than before. Hallelujah!

Unfortunately, the German government does not recognize the movement of Evangelical Christians–Pentecostals, and all congregations that it recognized as Pentecostal it has closed.

Those congregations, however, which joined the Baptist union in good time may continue to work unhindered. But, at the same time, certain restrictions were imposed, to which all these congregations must submit, namely:

So-called choral prayers,
Unknown tongues, are forbidden in open public assemblies.

As regards these two points, I can say, being acquainted with the Pentecostal movement in many countries, that in all well-ordered Pentecostal congregations throughout the world an order is maintained that is generally accepted in all Christian congregations, namely: not everyone or many pray aloud and simultaneously, but, as I have also emphasized at my Bible courses — one after another.

What concerns unknown tongues, in the hundreds of meetings in which I participated together with Belarusian and Ukrainian believers of former Poland, they spoke in unknown tongues in general meetings very rarely, i.e., they do as is customary throughout the world, namely: they do not speak in unknown tongues in general meetings, but pray in them in a closed room decently, as the Apostle Paul indicates in 1 Corinthians 14:2; 14:15; in members’ meetings they speak in unknown tongues and only when the Spirit gives definite instructions, whereby, however, what is spoken must be made common and fully intelligible by interpretation.

Therefore, a blessing can be evoked by the ministry of gifts only of such children of God who have reached a high degree of sanctification.

Otherwise, unfortunately, there will be no blessed effect of the gifts, but, on the contrary, as often happens, only a great offense and doubt regarding spiritual gifts will be provoked.

In view of the fact that these two points are not fundamental pillars of the Christian faith, and since the Pentecostal movement, in general, has long acted in accordance with these conditions and adapted to them, I advise you to join the Baptist Union while there is still an opportunity, so that your congregations may thus stand further, and that you may continue to bring souls to Christ. Otherwise your congregations and meetings will certainly be closed, and the sheep will be left without shepherds and without food, and will scatter, as has already happened in many cases in Germany.

We are now entering a period of time when no one dares to contend or argue about secondary points of doctrine, but when we must all unite along the line of the plan of salvation given by our Lord, which points us to: regeneration, filling with the Spirit, sanctification, holy living, salvation of souls, and the near coming of the Lord.

Our congregation in Danzig already three years ago joined the Baptist Union, and our meetings are blessed by the Lord. In our work we encounter no obstacles. So, join also this union and work for the Teacher while it is day, for behold, the night is coming when no one can work.

I do not know whether I will still have the joy in life of seeing you face to face, and therefore I continually request and entreat the Lord to give you strength to follow Him into eternity, so that we may yet meet at the throne of God when He calls us to Himself.

I commit you to the grace of God and salute you heartily. I also greet all the brothers and sisters with whom we are bound by the blood of Jesus in His love.

In the Lord, devoted brother who sincerely loves all of you,

Gustav Schmidt

GA RF. F. R.-6991. Op. 4. D. 9. L. 200-200ob.

—————

Church policy on the territory of Ukraine was woven into the general line of Germany’s policy regarding the present and future of Ukraine. About how they were envisioned, one can conclude from the frank and cynical statements of Erich Koch at one of the meetings of Reichskommissariat officials: “If this people works 10 hours a day, then it must work 8 hours for us. All sentimental objections must not be taken into account. This people must be ruled by an iron hand so that it helps us win the war now. We did not liberate it in order to make Ukraine happy, but to secure living space and our food base for Germany.” |2. Undoubtedly, in public statements the religious policy of the occupation authorities was presented to the population in a completely different light. Thus, on the first anniversary of the beginning of the invasion of German-fascist troops into the Soviet Union, Reich Commissioner of Ukraine E. Koch wrote in a directive to SS and police leaders: “In Ukraine, just as in Germany, everyone may believe in his own way. We permit any religion and any church direction, provided it is loyal to the German administration and shows readiness to assist in creating a positive mood among the population and not to do anything that would contribute to negative tendencies. The differences between church directions among themselves, namely in religious matters, do not interest us. We only wish that polemics on these issues not be spread among the lay masses, because it can disrupt the harmony necessary for common construction.” |3.

In Ukraine the situation in the Pentecostal cult developed as follows. G.G. Ponurko — leader of the Pentecostal congregations, returned home from imprisonment in May 1941. A month later the war began. In connection with the evacuation, many members of Christians of Evangelical Faith left their native places, the churches ceased to function. Ponurko managed under these extremely difficult conditions to establish fellowship among the remaining congregations and coordinate their activities. For the legalization of the Union of congregations, he submitted an application to the occupation authorities for permission to operate the All-Ukrainian Union of Christians of Evangelical Faith. Ponurko was summoned for a personal reception to the Gebietskommissar, who was forced to make a positive decision by the news that Ponurko had sat in Soviet prisons for 9 years because of his faith. Ponurko’s co-workers in arranging spiritual life in Central and Eastern Ukraine became D.I. Ponomarchuk and A.I. Bidash.

In October 1942 a congress of representatives of churches of the Dnepropetrovsk region took place in Dnepropetrovsk, which had a preparatory organizational character. For the final resolution of the question of reestablishing a center, a congress was scheduled in the town of Pyatikhatka. It opened on November 1, 1942. Ponurko delivered a report “On the Condition of the Former Union of Christians of Evangelical Faith, as well as Its Churches over the Last 15 Years.” The congress proclaimed the reestablishment of the Union of Christians of Evangelical Faith. The governing council was headed by G.G. Ponurko, recognized by the German authorities as “bishop” of the “Episcopal Church of Christians of Evangelical Faith.” Its center — the “Episcopal College” was located in Pyatikhatka. In 1942 the union united about 300 Pentecostal churches.

The next All-Ukrainian congress took place on September 1-2, 1943 in Dneprodzerzhinsk. At it the Charter of the Union of Churches was adopted. Another congress under occupation conditions was convened on May 20, 1943 in Alexandria in Kirovograd region. In the same year, 1943, there was an attempt to convene a congress in Nikolaev, but the occupation authorities did not permit it. They insisted that Pentecostals, as in Germany, unite with Baptists. This question was discussed in the local churches of Pentecostals, Evangelical Christians, and Baptists of Ukraine. D.I. Ponomarchuk and G.G. Ponurko appealed on this matter to the 6th All-Ukrainian Congress of Christian Baptists. Its leaders N.N. Melnikov and D.D. Shapovalov even planned a special meeting, which, unfortunately, due to wartime circumstances did not take place. Thus, the issue of unification did not find a final decision at that moment. The Germans continued to insist on unification. After refusing to do so, the presbyter of the Nikolaev church F. Sherstyuk and some believers were arrested by the Gestapo. They were later liberated by Soviet troops.

In Western Ukraine, another calamity was added to the occupiers — formations of Ukrainian nationalist Banderites, who actively fought also against Evangelical Christians. Several church ministers were killed by the Security Service of the nationalists.

Thus, it can be said that under the conditions of the Second World War unleashed by the Nazis, which led to the disorganization of the All-Polish Union of Christians of the Evangelical Faith, and then during the years of German occupation of Soviet Belarus and Ukraine, the Pentecostal communities on the territory of Ukraine and Belarus, although not on the previous scale, nevertheless on the whole managed to restore organizational ties, open prayer houses, and resume the activities of previously closed meetings.

NOTES

1 The Peacemaker. 1930. No. 1. pp. 1-3.

2The Peacemaker. 1930. No. 3. p. 18.

3The Peacemaker. 1929. No. 2. p. 1.

4The Peacemaker. 1929. No. 2. p. 26.

5The Peacemaker. 1930. No. 8. p. 63.

6 The Peacemaker. 1930. No. 12. p. 93.

7The Peacemaker. 1929. No. 2. p. 26.

8The Peacemaker. 1930. No. 5. pp. 33-34.

9The Peacemaker. 1931. No. 8. pp. 65,74.

10 Quoted from: Shkarovsky M.V. The Policy of the Third Reich towards the Russian Orthodox Church in the Light of Archival Materials 1935-1945. Collection of documents. — M., 2003. p. 293.

11 Picker H. Hitler’s Table Talk. Smolensk, 1993. p. 78.

12 Quoted from: Shkarovsky M.V. Op. cit. pp. 307-308.

13 Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI). F. 17. Op. 125. D. 251. L. 12.

M.I. Chernov

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